Songs and Poems of Queen Sālote

Remembering a Queen whose legacy transcends generations

 

Blog by David Tuipulotu-Tuinukuafe 

Talateu - Introduction:

 

Queen Sālote Tupou III was one of Tonga’s greatest monarchs. She reigned over Tonga for 48 years, longer than any Tongan monarch, from 1918-1965. Considered as the one of the epochs of a cultural revitalisation in Tonga, Queen Sālote composed over 100 songs and poems, each using traditional Tongan metrics and poetics to highlight Tongan history, culture and the Royal Family. She also held the title of Tu‘i Kanokupolu[1], who were the legendary chiefs of the village of Kanokupolu in the western side of Tonga.

 

For 48 years, Sālote oversaw a cultural revitalisation that made Tonga known as the cultural capital of the Pacific. She revitalised Tongan history, Tongan values and Tongan art and dance. Each of her songs and poems were set for a particular purpose, for instance Queen Sālote wrote ngaahi tutulu (lamentations) specifically for royal funerals and hiva lakalaka (songs for lakalaka) for the national Tongan dance, the lakalaka. She also wrote a fakatātā (dramatic play) and hiva kakala (love songs) along with songs to remember specific events in Tongan history.

 

I aim to give a slight insight into some Queen Sālote’s famous songs and poems through perhaps the most widely known book on this subject. Songs and Poems of Queen Sālote by Elizabeth Wood-Ellem, Adrienne Kaeppler and Melenaite Taumoefolau (2004) with a foreward by Her Majesty Queen Nanasipau‘u is the most referred book on her songs, but there are extensive written articles by others such as Professor I. Futa Helu, a well-respected Tongan academic. Though this is a small piece, I aim to try and give some cultural context to a couple of her songs using the book as a main guide, but also examine what it may mean in a modern context.

 

[1] Tu‘i Kanokupolu also are the current Monarchs of Tonga since the rule of Siaosi Tupou I, who united Tonga under his rule.

The Challenges of Translating the Songs:

 

Translation is usually divided into two communities. The first community or “Source community” is the community with the original document, or one with the document intended to be translated. In this case, the “source community” are Tongans and the source document is the songs. The second community is the “target community”, or the community that needs access to the translation. Target communities depend on various aspects, such as if they requested the translation, or if there is a need for the source texts to be in a target language for accessibility and preservation, which includes punctuation and grammar.

 

But translating the Tongan language is more than just punctuation and conflicting with notation, it also is a challenge to try and ensure accessibility to the English language while ensuring the voice of the Tongan language remains paramount. Taumoefolau writes that the translational approach is “aesthetic-poetic” as mentioned by Casgrande in Grace’s writings on translation. He writes “while content is obviously not ignored, express consideration is given to the literary or aesthetic form in the message in both languages.” (Grace, 1986 as mentioned in Taumoefolau, 2004) Considering both languages remains a common issue when translating, as one needs to ensure both communities are equated and important in getting the message across.

 

Another such challenge is the usage of “o” or “he” in the songs. When individual singers or kalapu fōfo‘anga (Kava singing collectives) sing the songs, they either would omit or add extra words or notes, so the song flows in tandem with the rhythm. But when translated into English, Taumoefolau had to initially correct some of the words and punctuation to reflect proper Tongan grammar before translating. In doing so, it would conflict with the notation of the songs.

 

One of the key concepts to understand when it comes to translation is Venuti, Lefévère and Spivak’s theories on translation. Venuti began to challenge the concept that translation always must tailor to the target language (1992), which led to Lefevere’s theory on translation as “rewriting”. Revisionist translations is a common occurrence, but what Lefevere writes is that translation as “rewriting” is not just translating, it’s forcing the source culture to adhere to the grammar, style and structure of the target culture (Bassett and Lefévère, 1995). For instance, if a non-Tongan would’ve translated the songs, they’d try to fit the heliaki[1] and hingoa fakatenetene[2] into the English structure because it sounds better in English, much like what Edward Fitzgerald, an English translator, did when he translated the Persian epic poem Omar Khayyum in English. But what Spivak states compared to Lefévère is that the translation into the target language is intentional, and that the source language should remain at the apex of the translation, never the target language (Spivak, 2000). Here I have collated two examples of how heliaki was translated:

 

 

[1] Heliaki – indirect reference. Used by Punake (Poets) to speak to the Royal Family by indirectly addressing them as directly addressing them was considered disrespectful of their rank in society.

[2] Hingoa Fakatenetene – Village nicknames. Often uses a natural feature and describes a particular aspect of its beauty to describe a village.

Ngaahi fakamatala ‘o Maa’imoa Kuini Sālote – Understanding the songs and poems of Queen Sālote:

 

Heliaki, Hingoa Fakatenetene and its place in Queen Salote’s songs:

 

Queen Sālote is the master of heliaki (indirect reference) in Tongan songs. In Tongan heliaki, as defined by Taumoefolau “may be described as speaking or writing in symbols or riddles or speaking or writing figuratively.” When a Punake[1] writes songs, their mastery of heliaki is usually divided into two categories: laukakala (Symbols of flowers/plants) and laumātanga (Symbols of place) (Taumoefolau et al., 2004). They’re divided into two more aspects: Universal and Cultural-specific. Universal heliaki denotes to aspects that are universally agreed upon and resonated by everyone. But cultural-specific, however, only are understood by the Tongan people and in Tongan culture. I hope to show both in this piece as we progress with the various songs and poems of Queen Sālote.

 

Another aspect is the hingoa fakatenetene in Tongan song and poetry. This is English for “village nickname” where various villages are given nicknames based on a very attractive feature that comes out of nature. All villages in Tonga are given a nickname which is usually used poetically in most formal speeches or songs. Most also follow the laukakala and laumātanga method of names, and usually identified by a famous landmark of the village. For instance, the hingoa fakatenetene of Vaini is Hūfangalupe or a dove’s resting place.

 

 

[1] Punake – Poets. They are singers and choreographers. They also hold titles. Punakes are not just one person, entire clans of families are specified to be the Punakes of a certain village. 

Maile Fihi – The expressive use of Maile to talk on Tungī Mailefihi:

 

Maile fihi means the entangling of maile (Alyxia Stellata) and was used as a common phrase to describe Queen Sālote’s husband, Tungī Mailefihi. His family were the hou’eiki (chiefs) of the village of Tatakamotonga in the Eastern side of Tonga. Tungī’s family descended from the Tu‘i Ha’atakalaua[1] line and married Queen Sālote in 1917, despite Queen Sālote being 12 years younger. Their marriage produced two sons, the future Tupou IV and his brother, the Tu‘ipelehake. Tungī was fiercely loyal to Sālote and worked as her Prime Minister until his sudden death in 1941. She never remarried nor loved another man afterwards, and her songs about Tungī were perhaps the greatest examples of hiva kakala in Tonga.

 

Maile is considered a very special plant among Tongans. It’s used in our kahoa kakala[2] as a kakala hingoa (named plants or highly regarded plants) and releases a beautiful smell when worn. Comparing her love to the beautiful plant of maile demonstrates the creative nature of Queen Sālote, and the love she has for her husband. She did this by splitting the words maile fihi (Tangled Maile) as that was his nickname, demonstrated in her song loka siliva:

 

Uisa he fāhiná 'ene hopo

He fihinga maile laumomo

Ko hoto kahoa tuku 'i loto

Te u tauleva 'o 'ikai ke to'o

 

Translation:

Ah, how the white pandanus seasons

The tangled myrtle leaflets

It is my heart's garland

Never to be cast off

 

Another example which demonstrates this is the lakalaka she wrote for the village of Kolofo‘ou, Nuku‘alofa. Both Kolofo‘ou and Kolomotu‘a are directly under the monarch due to their proximity to the Royal Palace:

 

'E maile fihi 'o Ha'angana

Talaheu pea mo Hōleva

Mo ha fine 'ehē mei Lifuka

Hono salusalu hota teunga

Luva 'i he hala sialetafa

Mo e alafolau heavula

'Isa, pe'i tuku ai pē ā

Misiteli 'e fakalevelevá

 

Translation:

Oh, tangled maile of Ha‘angana

Talaheu and Hōleva

And a laughing maid from Lifuka

Whose salusalu is our costume

Relinquished at the sialetafa road

And the boatshed of hea vula

Oh, but leave it, let it be

The mystery will for ever remain.

 

The remainder of the lakalaka specifies the connection the village of Kolofo‘ou between both Vava‘u and Ha‘apai island groups considering that it was final settling place for Tupou I’s warriors after his conquest of the entirety of Tonga. Tupou I’s warriors came from both Ha‘apai and Vava‘u, while Kolomotu‘a is where the chiefs of Nuku’alofa live. Both songs use the entangled Maile metaphor to recall Tungī as a man who was cherished by Queen Sālote and cements his place as one of Tonga’s influential figures throughout history.

 

[1] The Tu‘i Ha’atakalaua were the second line of Kings that ruled the Tu‘i Tonga until Kankupolu began building power over them in the later 18th – 19th centuries.

[2] Kahoa Kakala – garland made of flowers and leaves. Usually handwoven.

Kauhalalalo mo Kauhala‘uta – The Unity of the Tonga’s monarchy

 

In Tonga there are various heliaki used to describe the King without directly referring to him. One aspect is the use of Kauhalalalo and Kauhala‘uta. In Tongan culture, Kauhalalalo refers to the Tu‘i Ha‘atakalaua and Tu‘i Kanokupolu lines, who currently rule Tonga, while Kauhala‘uta refers exclusively to the Tu‘i Tonga line. This is because the word ‘uta  also refers to inland, which implies higher rank.

 

‘Opeti Taliai (2007) refers even deeper to the concept and mentions the religious struggle between the two aspects – Kauhalalalo referring to the Methodists and Kauhala‘uta representing the Catholics. From a religious point, the Tu‘i Kankupolu, the current monarchs, were Methodists; whereas the Tu‘i Tonga were Catholic. Conversely, this songs is utilising this concept to describe the unity among the Tongan royalty and touches on Tongan history. Which is illustrated in the lakalaka for the village of Hā‘ano, Ha‘apai:

 

He toka e 'ilo meia Lo'au

Pea mo e tu'u fakatalutalu

'A 'Uta na mo e langi ne mamalu

Kauhalalalo pea mo e Hau

Ha'a Ngata mo Ha'a Havea Lahi

Ko e ngata ē tala 'a Ha'apai

Tauhi 'e Kofe mo Afeaki

'Oku tukufakaholo 'i Pangai.

 

Translation:

Let the knowledge derived from Lo‘au rest

and the ancient hierarchy

Of ‘Uta and the majestic Langi

Kauhalalalo and the Ruler

Ha‘a Ngata and Ha‘a Havea Lahi

There ends the tradition of Ha‘apai

Kept by Kofe and Afeaki

Passed from generation to generation at Pangai.

 

The lines in bold use these directly. To refer to Kauhala‘uta’s location being in Lapaha, on the eastern side of Tonga, she uses the Langi tombs where the Tu‘i Tonga and their descendants, the Kalaniuvalu line are buried. Kauhalalalo, in this case, with both the Tu‘i Ha‘atakalaua and Tu‘i Kanokupolu are connected to the ruler (Hau is the word for ruler). Hence, in most cases, songs using the Kauhalalalo and Kauhala‘uta would have the former first as it’s related to the current rulers. Though an interesting note is that Queen Sālote puts Kauhala’uta first in this lakalaka.

 

Though not directly using the words, the song Hala kuo Papa does touch on the unity of the Tongan monarchy in perhaps the chorus:

 

Ko e hala kuo papa

Talu e kilukilua

Hake 'i Vaha'akolo 'i he Ahi-mo-e-Vunga

Ka tau tuē tuē!

'Oku kei fusi 'a e fuka

'Oku kapa-'i-vai 'ōlive 'o e Hifofua

Pea 'ilo 'e he poto pea mo e kāimu'a

Kuila e Lomipeau kuo taha ai 'a e uá

 

Translation:

It is a path that was trodden

Since times long past

Rising at Vaha‘akolo at the Ahi and Vunga

Let us cheer and cheer!

For the flag is still raised

Still prevailing the olive branch of the Hifofua

And the wise and vocal ones know

It is the flag of the Lomipeau

That has united the two

 

Tongans have different interpretations regarding the importance of the song. Some state that it reminds listeners to hold steadfast to the traditions of old, as those who are considered knowledge holders will eventually go and be replaced. But in this case, the song is a present example of Tongan oral history in action. Hala kuo Papa is a retelling, in some ways, of the generational history of our Monarchy. Beginning with the Tu‘i Tonga, then onto the Tu‘i Ha‘atakalaua and eventually to the Tu‘i Kanokupolu. Eventually, our current Monarch and his family, Tupou IV and his descendants, are the proper rulers of Tonga as they hold the blood of all three royal lineages into them.

 

Exploring both the Maile heliaki and the heliaki of kauhalalalo and kauhala‘uta is to demonstrate the excellence of the heliaki used by Queen Sālote for a set purpose. She was able to weave the heliaki into the songs without needing to explicitly mention any names. Because of this, many of her songs were often puzzling to many modern scholars as they were unable to decipher the meanings behind the songs in some cases. An interesting theory which can be applied to this is Jakobson’s understanding of the metaphoric (substitution and similarity) and metonymic poles of language (predication, context and proximity). These are, according to Jakobson, fundamental to our understanding of the dynamism of language within human nature (Jakobson, 1956; Dirven and Pörings, 2009).

 

Jakobson’s argument allows cultural-specific heliaki applies to the metonymic form of language and the Universal heliaki is understood through the metaphoric pole. But while these poles are different in many ways, heliaki produces an implication that is not widely recognised within his work – that what would happen if we can find an intertwining relationship between both poles.

 

It is significant to point this out because Jakobson argues that the poles cannot be intertwined together as there is no subtle possibility to do so. However, it presents an interesting discrepancy, that what if the poles of language were to intertwine? This was an important question that I had asked myself as I am perusing through his work, which I then concluded that within a theory such as Jakobson’s, the metonymic and metaphoric poles of language within heliaki functions consecutively within the poetry, hence we cannot use a European way of thinking about literary theory within an otherwise indigenous perspective that has been continuous for many generations.  

A new cultural revitalisation?

 

“‘Oku ‘i ai faka’amu ne lava ‘a e ngaahi fakamatala kuo ‘oatu hení ‘o tokoni atu ke mahino ange ‘a e ‘uhinga ‘o e ngaahi mā’imoa ‘a e Kuini ‘ofeina mo ta’emangalo kuo malu ‘a fonuá”

- Melenaite Taumoefolau

 

Queen Sālote’s poetry transcends generations and boundaries. Though it’s been 60 years since she’s passed and written her last song, Tongans globally and at home still remember how she helped revitalise and sustain Tongan culture after her death. Paula Onoafe Lātū, a noted Tongan theologian and scholar who’s done extensive work on Queen Sālote’s life, also noted some worries she had about the Tongan culture “The problem is that we are throwing away [our traditions] too quickly, but have nothing to replace it, and we become gatherers of bits here and there. We have become pickers of crumbs, a generation of kailū (those who eat what has been thrown away by others)” (Lātū, 2015) which remains a consistent concern for Tongans who live both in the diaspora and at home.

 

Recent statistics state that Tongans remain the fastest growing nationality in New Zealand. There are over 82,000 who call Tonga home yet only 40% speaking Tongan as a home language. Trends suggest these are largely first and second-generation Tongans who upkeep the high number of Tongan speakers, as only 12% under 15 speak the language (beehive.govt.nz, 2023). A major issue here is language sustainability, as there are intricacies in Tongan culture that cannot be articulated in English, and that is only possible in Tongan.

 

Further to what the late Queen wrote, the late Professor I.F Helu, a well-renowned scholar on Tongan philosophy and culture, also once said to another noted Tongan scholar, Dr ‘Epeli Hau‘ofa, that one cannot appreciate other cultures unless they appreciate their own. Tongan culture isn’t just about the physical expression of the culture but also about the values that are practiced. The four golden pillars remain an existential part of the Tongan identity, Tauhi Vaha‘angatae, Faka‘apa‘apa, Mamahi‘i me‘a and Loto-tō which many Tongans of all generations practice. The physical practice of these values through the gifting of fala and ngatu, but also using the three registers of Tongan language, Lea Fakatu‘i, Lea Fakahouhou‘eiki and Lea Tavale (Taumoefolau, 2012), and finally the recalling of singing Queen Sālote’s songs when they are younger.

 

However, what is also awesome to see is the recent revival of younger generation singing her songs. What is vital to the continuation and renaissance of Tongan culture is young adults wanting to sing her songs respectfully. Using the songs as a foundation to learn more about the culture generally as adequate knowledge of the traditions, history and genealogies of Tonga is crucial to understanding the culture-specific heliaki in her songs. Young Tongan artists are singing these songs as a recall to their childhoods but what it also has done is enabled people to find literature on Queen Sālote’s songs and poems and enabled people to look further into heliaki and its use by her. Though we have festivals such as Polyfest, Pasifika and Tongan Language Week to help upkeep and sustain Tongan language and culture, these songs are a fantastic opportunity to encourage Tongan language use and Tongan culture. Overall, as Queen Sālote wrote in Tongan “Ko e makatu‘unga ‘o e Fonua pe puleʻanga kotoa pe ko e loto mo e mo‘ui mo e anga ‘o e kakai.” (The foundation of every government and nation is the heart, life and character of the people).

Faka‘osinga – Conclusion:

 

I have spoken on the different genres that Her late Majesty wrote in to show her ability to move within the two worldviews of both European and Tongan by using a medium such as Poetry and Music. However, these songs and poems are not just simplistic in the way people read poems out of appreciation. They represent the cultural functions, indigenous knowledge and history that are integral to Tonga and its people. We can focus on how these songs and poems resonate with the Tongan spirit (Loto‘i Tonga), yet also can be shown to be a resiliency factor to many people facing challenges in their lives. It is my wish that through these songs, not only non-Tongans, but also Tongans themselves – regardless of whether they live in the diaspora or the motherland – can appreciate, understand and love them and continue to research and create a new cultural renaissance like Queen Sālote’s reign.

Fakamālō:

 

‘Oku ‘oatu e fakafeta’i kia Toketā Melenaite Taumoefolau ‘i he sivi ‘eku ‘ēsei ‘i he kaveinga ko e hiva mā’imoa ‘a Kuini Sāloté. Mālō, pea ‘oku ou si’i ‘ofa atu kiate koe.

 

Fakamālō ki he Pule Le Vā mo e Teu Le Vā staff group ho’omou ‘omi e faingamālie ko eni ke vahevahe atu he kaveingá ni ‘i he uike kātoanga’i ‘o e Lea Faka-Tonga ‘o e ta’u ní.

Bibliography:

 

Bassnett, S. and Lefévère, A. (1995). Translation, history and culture. London: Cassel.

 

Dirven, R. and Pörings, R. (2009). Metaphor and Metonymy in Comparison and Contrast. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

 

Jakobson, R. (1956). Two aspects of language and two types of aphasic disturbances. Fundamentals of language1, 69-96.

 

Official Website of the New Zealand Government (2023), Language Week focuses on sustaining Lea Faka-Tonga. https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/language-week-focuses-sustaining-lea-faka-tonga.

 

Spivak, G. C. (2000). Translation as Culture. Parallax6(1), 13–24. 

 

Taliai, ‛O. (2007). The Legitimation of Economic and Political Power in Tonga: Critique of Kauhalalalo and Kauhala‛uta Moieties. Ph.D. Massey University.

 

Taumoefolau, M. (2004). The Translation of Queen Sālote's Poetry. In: S. Fenton, ed., For Better or For Worse: Translation as a Tool for Change in the South Pacific. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing.

 

Taumoefolau, M. (2012). Tongan ways of talking. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 121(4), pp.327-372.

 

Venuti, L. (1992). Rethinking translation. London: Routledge.

 

Wood-Ellem, E., Kaeppler, A. and Taumoefolau, M. (2004). The Songs and Poems of Queen Sālote: in English and Tongan. 1st ed. Nuku'alofa: Vava'u Press.